"... that wasn't a campaign speech. That was a presidential speech. It is headed not straight to cable news networks, but to high school classrooms, to rhetoric and composition syllabuses, and to the history books. It is the first successful attempt by a twenty-first century politician to define the inequalities that still fracture American society and to link racial injustice to the other forms of psychic and material oppression experienced by the vast majority of Americans--because of the consolidation of economic, political, and cultural power in the hands of 5% of the population, because of this morally insane and economically ruinous war, because of the spinelessness of lobbyist-owned politicians who think it's more important to keep the health care industry happy than to keep their constitutents healthy, because the manufacturing economy that sustained the working class has disappeared and because the middle class is severely threatened. It is the kind of thing that most presidential candidates either cannot do or will not do because they consider it too dangerous to ask Americans to listen to anything they haven't already heard, or--heaven forbid--to think about what they're hearing...."
This quote, from a blogger called The Plaid Adder, who posted in on the democraticunderground blog, is probably the best description of Senator Obama's speech to address Race. I wouldn't even try to improve on it.
Thursday, March 20, 2008
Wednesday, March 12, 2008
How Geraldine Ferraro Got Important. Or: The "Other" Democratic Party.
In the Democratic Party's imaginary "big tent" there's lots of room for fractious constituencies who are permanently at odds with one another. Those who support civil rights, women's rights, organized labor, gay rights, anti-war activists, and a collection of ethnic groups and interest groups, are often portrayed as willing to overcoming differences to stand united as one party, imagining itself a very forward thinking organization. But during the 1984 primary campaign season, Rev. Jesse Jackson, a Democratic presidential candidate, was threatening this myth of party unity.
Walter Mondale, Jimmy Carter's vice president, won the nomination in 1984, while Jesse Jackson won 5 primaries, drawing 21% of the popular vote, but only 8% of the delegates. Most Democratic Party leaders felt that, while his showing might earn him a place at the table, it did not indicate he was a serious contender. Nevertheless, no one was prepared to ignore Jackson and risk alienating the Black vote, still viewed by many as a monolith, and rightly regarded as one of the most loyal constituencies in Democratic Party politics. Jesse was in no way prepared to quietly acknowledge defeat and fall in line behind the party leadership. He charged that the selection/nominating process was flawwed, he publicly criticized Walter Mondale, and he called attention to himself, insisting he be acknowledged as a formidable political leader, in as many ways as he could.
Mondale, who'd been a progressive senator from Minnesota before becoming Carter's vice president, was comfortable with both Democratic labor and civil rights leadership, and wanted to demonstrate thru his actions, that he was all about unifying the party. Mondale was determined to do everything possible to hold his fragile coalition of labor and civil rights leaders together, believing, as in the old days, that they could deliver their constituencies.
In reality, the so-called Reagan Democrats comprised largely of blue collar, non-college educated, "hard-working, white Americans" was not a phenomenon unique to the election of Ronald Reagan, but a wing of the Democratic Party that was largely ignored in public discourse. It visibly asserted itself by voting against it's own interests, due to a strong strain of what is politely referred to as "social conservatism." Both Goldwater and Nixon tapped into this "vast, silent majority of Americans" in 1964 and 1968, respectively. Reagan was just more effective in using it both in 1980, and in 1984.
Jesse Jackson was determined to use his popularity and political influence as leverage during the 1984 general election. But no one was quite sure what Jesse wanted in concrete terms, and to what purpose, besides his own personal advancement, he would use his leverage. There was genuine concern that Jesse would upend the "unity" applecart the Democratic Party had been busily constructing, and adversely affect the outcome of the general election.
When the United States Conference of Mayors gathered in Philadelphia, for it's annual meeting in June, 1984, a core group of African American leaders decided to convene a private gathering of their own. Among those present were Coretta Scott King, Julian Bond, Rev. Joseph Lowery, Charles Rangel, a few other members of Congress, and a number of Black mayors who were attending the USCM meeting. They sat at a u-shaped table in a conference room in a hotel in downtown Philadelphia, to discuss their role in the 1984 presidential campaign, and in particular, what they should do about Jesse Jackson. They wanted Jesse, who did not attend the meeting, to stand with them. Everyone believed 1984 would be one of the most important elections in their lives. It was critical that he be included, that they unite, get behind someone who could win, and go all out to support the ticket.
Black mayors of decaying urban centers were pragmatists, who wanted a president who recognized the challenges they faced: problems attracting and financing economic development, aging infrastructures, poverty, crime, unemployment, and unequal educational opportunities. They saw the progress they'd made when Jimmy Carter was in the White House, quickly evaporating during four years of Ronald Reagan. They wanted the Carter years back again. After they met, they were joined by top advisors to Walter Mondale, in order to forge a workable agreement. This coalition of African American leaders finally agreed to unite behind Mondale as the party's presidential nominee. It was not perfect, and it was far from smooth, but it was a workable coalition, and as much as he ever would, Jesse eventually cooperated in his own way.
Walter Mondale chose Congresswoman Geraldine Ferraro as his running mate. While women made up more then 51.3% of the population, she was the first woman chosen for the national ticket of a major party. Ferraro is Italian-American, as is her husband. By October, 1984, the vice presidential nominee was embroiled in scandal. Geraldine and her husband were battling rumors and allegations, gleefully reported by the media, portraying her husband as a corrupt, shady businessman.
Walter Mondale, Jimmy Carter's vice president, won the nomination in 1984, while Jesse Jackson won 5 primaries, drawing 21% of the popular vote, but only 8% of the delegates. Most Democratic Party leaders felt that, while his showing might earn him a place at the table, it did not indicate he was a serious contender. Nevertheless, no one was prepared to ignore Jackson and risk alienating the Black vote, still viewed by many as a monolith, and rightly regarded as one of the most loyal constituencies in Democratic Party politics. Jesse was in no way prepared to quietly acknowledge defeat and fall in line behind the party leadership. He charged that the selection/nominating process was flawwed, he publicly criticized Walter Mondale, and he called attention to himself, insisting he be acknowledged as a formidable political leader, in as many ways as he could.
Mondale, who'd been a progressive senator from Minnesota before becoming Carter's vice president, was comfortable with both Democratic labor and civil rights leadership, and wanted to demonstrate thru his actions, that he was all about unifying the party. Mondale was determined to do everything possible to hold his fragile coalition of labor and civil rights leaders together, believing, as in the old days, that they could deliver their constituencies.
In reality, the so-called Reagan Democrats comprised largely of blue collar, non-college educated, "hard-working, white Americans" was not a phenomenon unique to the election of Ronald Reagan, but a wing of the Democratic Party that was largely ignored in public discourse. It visibly asserted itself by voting against it's own interests, due to a strong strain of what is politely referred to as "social conservatism." Both Goldwater and Nixon tapped into this "vast, silent majority of Americans" in 1964 and 1968, respectively. Reagan was just more effective in using it both in 1980, and in 1984.
Jesse Jackson was determined to use his popularity and political influence as leverage during the 1984 general election. But no one was quite sure what Jesse wanted in concrete terms, and to what purpose, besides his own personal advancement, he would use his leverage. There was genuine concern that Jesse would upend the "unity" applecart the Democratic Party had been busily constructing, and adversely affect the outcome of the general election.
When the United States Conference of Mayors gathered in Philadelphia, for it's annual meeting in June, 1984, a core group of African American leaders decided to convene a private gathering of their own. Among those present were Coretta Scott King, Julian Bond, Rev. Joseph Lowery, Charles Rangel, a few other members of Congress, and a number of Black mayors who were attending the USCM meeting. They sat at a u-shaped table in a conference room in a hotel in downtown Philadelphia, to discuss their role in the 1984 presidential campaign, and in particular, what they should do about Jesse Jackson. They wanted Jesse, who did not attend the meeting, to stand with them. Everyone believed 1984 would be one of the most important elections in their lives. It was critical that he be included, that they unite, get behind someone who could win, and go all out to support the ticket.
Black mayors of decaying urban centers were pragmatists, who wanted a president who recognized the challenges they faced: problems attracting and financing economic development, aging infrastructures, poverty, crime, unemployment, and unequal educational opportunities. They saw the progress they'd made when Jimmy Carter was in the White House, quickly evaporating during four years of Ronald Reagan. They wanted the Carter years back again. After they met, they were joined by top advisors to Walter Mondale, in order to forge a workable agreement. This coalition of African American leaders finally agreed to unite behind Mondale as the party's presidential nominee. It was not perfect, and it was far from smooth, but it was a workable coalition, and as much as he ever would, Jesse eventually cooperated in his own way.
Walter Mondale chose Congresswoman Geraldine Ferraro as his running mate. While women made up more then 51.3% of the population, she was the first woman chosen for the national ticket of a major party. Ferraro is Italian-American, as is her husband. By October, 1984, the vice presidential nominee was embroiled in scandal. Geraldine and her husband were battling rumors and allegations, gleefully reported by the media, portraying her husband as a corrupt, shady businessman.
Since they were Italian, in the popular imagination, it was pretty easy to promote the notion they were corrupt. I mean, weren't all Italians in the mafia? And they were from New York. By then, since so many people associated New York with The Godfather, the only mystery was which one of the "five families" did Geraldine Ferraro belong to?
These attempts to smear Ferraro resonated with ordinary, working class Americans who responded to fear of "others." The so-called quintessential "immigrant experience" so vitally important to many Americans on the Eastern seaboard, (including Michael Dukakis, four years later,) was not necessarily a shared experience across the American heartland, where "foreigners" were often viewed with suspicion.
Just days before the election, the Mondale/ Ferraro ticket held a national Get Out The Vote rally. They set up huge screens in convention centers and arenas in major cities across the country, to teleconference the events. I attended one such gathering, held downtown in a major city. A prominent Black leader was our main speaker that night. He talked about how important this election was, how important it was to get out the vote. But the thing I remembered most, is that he took that opportunity to defend Geraldine Ferraro. He drew a parallel between the bigotry directed at Ferraro, and the discrimination and racism African Americans often experienced. He felt she was being smeared because she was Italian.
I thought of it today, when I witnessed a rare, unscripted moment this morning on CNN. A young, soft-spoken African American man, an Obama supporter, was part of a panel discussing Geraldine Ferraro's recent racist remarks against Barack Obama. The young man said it had disappointed him particularly, because he remembered as a young child, passing out literature, and campaigning for the Mondale/Ferraro ticket.
Ferraro is a member of Clinton's advisory team and one of her fundraisers. The worst thing Hillary Clinton can do, is continue to play the race card. And yes, she is entirely responsible for this. It comes to the fore with strategic regularity. Doesn't matter if it's a hired gun, or her husband, a supporter, like the governor of Pennsylvania, or a Finance Committee member, like Geraldine Ferraro. This is part of a deliberate, planned strategy. There are divisions in this country. Divisions between Black and White, between Latinos and Blacks, between gays and straights, between rich and poor. Hillary is an internationally recognized public figure, on a first name basis with the entire world. She is also a United States Senator, and a former First Lady. She has, in those respects, some weight and some authority.
To the degree Hillary feels like she must achieve her goals by being destructive and negative, by using divisive tactics, fear mongering and race-baiting, she is showing the worst part of who we are. I could not support her and feel very good about myself, because I would be sanctioning the behavior of someone who has the capacity, but lacks the will, to function at a higher level. As far as I'm concerned, Hillary Clinton has already lost a lot more then a mere election.
Copyright, 2008
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